General

Florència en el Renaixement: política i mecenatge

Des de la dècada de 1290, el nou govern representatiu de la ciutat iniciava la construcció dels principals símbols del poder florentí: el Palau de la Signoria i la catedral (el Duomo). El patronatge estatal d’aquests monuments clau havia establert un model de control cívic que aviat es va aplicar a esglésies, convents i hospitals de Florència, disminuint significativament els drets tradicionals dels ordes religiosos. En lloc d’assumir col·lectivament la responsabilitat directa sobre aquests projectes, el govern va transferir la majoria d’ells a determinats gremis, com a institucions que formaven la base del sistema polític de la ciutat, amb el que va establir una rivalitat entre els gremis que va estimular la competència en el patronatge públic. florencia9Piazza della Signoria. Pallazzo Vecchio. Segles XIII – XIV. Florència.

La Piazza della Signoria és la més emblemàtica de Florència, i s’hi poden admirar obres que van des del segle XIII al segle XIX: Cosme I de Mèdici a cavall, de Giambologna (1594); la Font de Neptú, d’Ammanati (1563-75); la còpia del David de Miquel Àngel –l’original hi va romandre fins al final del segle XIX–, la Loggia della Signoria (1376-1382), amb les escultures que aixopluga (XVI-XIX); els Uffizi (1560-80); i el Palazzo della Signoria o Palazzo Vecchio (1229-1314).

Anomenat, originàriament, Palazzo dei Priori o Palagio Novo, se li va canviar el nom pel de Palau de la Senyoria, nom de l’organisme principal de la República Florentina, al segle XV. Després pel de Palau Ducal, en establir la seva residència Cosme I de Mèdici el 1540. Després, el 1565, començaria a anomenar-se Palazzo Vecchio en haver-se mudat Cosme al Palau Pitti.

El Palau de la Senyoria va ser encarregat pels priors de Florència, que per por de les lluites entre güelfs i gibel·lins veien perillar la seva seguretat. Té aspecte de fortalesa i presenta forma trapezoïdal. La textura de l’encoixinat, molt rústic, li confereix una sensació rocallosa. La volada enèrgica de les fortificacions superiors, amb els matacans, accentua la sensació de volum. La part baixa té poques obertures per a facilitar-ne la defensa, mentre que en les superiors les finestres bífores li confereixen certa regularitat. La torre, mig recolzada sobre els merlets, retirada cap a un costat, quasi a la vertical de la porta d’entrada, és un altre element de distorsió del conjunt, a més de la planta, que no és rectangular[1].

La porta principal presenta en la part superior un fris decorat amb el monograma del Crist de Sant Bernardí, amb la inscripció “Rex Regum et Dominus Dominantium”, i el flanquegen dos lleons, que hi va fer posar Cosme I el 1551. Tradicionalment s’ha adjudicat l’autoria de la Signoria a Arnolfo di Cambio, amb l’obra del qual presenta acusades similituds, encara que no hi ha cap base documental que aboni l’atribució. Si més no, però, sembla innegable la seva influència.

florencia10Vista hipotètica de l’antiga catedral florentina de Santa Reparata    S. Maria del Fiore segons el “Codice Rustici” del s. XV

Al llarg del segle XIV, el patronatge sobre el Duomo i el Baptisteri va ser assignat, respectivament, als mercaders de la llana i als de les robes[2]; als mercaders de la llana també se’ls va atorgar la responsabilitat sobre la plaça de la Signoria i la seva loggia, i l’estat va retenir per a ell el patronatge del palau de la Signoria. Quan el govern va voler reconstruir Orsanmichele, el mercat de gra de la ciutat, va elegir als mercaders de la seda per fer-se càrrec del projecte. Es van concedir subvencions estatals a esglésies inacabades per tal d’accelerar-ne l’acabament i això va proporcionar al govern la possibilitat d’intervenir en la seva realització. De fonamental importància per a la vida política de Florència, els gremis esdevingueren els seus principals patrons i foren responsables en gran mesura de la construcció dels magnífics monuments de la ciutat.

A l’eufòrica atmosfera que va seguir a la victòria florentina sobre els poderosos exèrcits milanesos, la ciutat va generar una onada de propaganda verbal i visual concebuda per a promoure el seu prestigi: s’iniciava el que anomenem Renaixement.

  • Bruni: Lloança  la ciutat de Florència[3]. Exaltació de les virtuts dels florentins, la seva història, llengua, forma de govern i tradicions culturals
  • els mercaderes de robes encarregaren un joc de dues portes de bronze per al Baptisteri
  • deu gremis ompliren els nínxols d’Orsanmichele amb estàtues de bronze i marbre dels seus sants patrons
  • el gremi dels mercaders de la seda va fundar l’Ospedale degli Innocenti, un orfenat, la façana del qual és de Brunelleschi
  • el gremi dels mercaders de la llana va encarregar la cúpula de la nova catedral

A diferència dels moderns sindicats, creats per a protegir als obrers de l’explotació dels empresaris, els gremis havien sorgit per salvaguardar els seus interessos mercantils davant les interferències de l’aristocràcia governant, i entre els seus membres hi havia tant empresaris com obrers. La pertinença a un gremi era signe d’una posició social reconeguda i conferia el dret a participar en l’escena política. Set grans gremis controlaven les principals indústries i professions de Florència i a ells pertanyien els mercaders de llana, roba, seda, els pelleters, els especiers, els banquers i els lletrats. Ocupant les tres quartes parts dels escons de totes les juntes de govern, governaven efectivament la ciutat i formaven la flor i nata de la societat florentina. Amb un prestigi menor, però també dins l’elit mercantil que dominava la vida econòmica i política de Florència, estaven els catorze gremis menors que representaven als botiguers i artesans de la ciutat: carnissers, flequers, vinaters, sabaters, escultors i altres comerciants.

En ser la clau que garantia l’ascens social a  la societat florentina, l’ingrés a un gremi estava estrictament controlat. En alguns, s’havia de demostrar les habilitats professionals davant d’un jurat; en d’altres calia pagar una quota: l’ingrés al gremi dels mercaders de la llana costava 100 lires (el salari de sis mesos d’un artesà qualificat) i al dels vinaters només 5 lires[4]. També s’havien de pagar drets anuals per la pertinença a un gremi, l’impagat dels quals podia comportar pena de presó (com s’esdevingué amb Brunelleschi quan estava a càrrec de la construcció de la cúpula de la catedral[5]). Els membres dels gremis podien fruir de certes mesures de protecció per als seus negocis, assistència financera, podien embargar propietats en pagament de deutes, actuar com a executors de disposicions testamentàries…

La pertinença a un gremi també comportava deures i obligacions, com ara prendre part en les celebracions dels sants patrons, ocupar-se dels funerals dels agremiats, anar a les processos rere l’estendard gremial. Els de la llana havien d’observar quaranta-tres dies festius a part dels diumenges. Els motlles de maons, per exemple, eren revisats anualment i es supervisava la quantitat de calç utilitzada en la seva producció. El càrrec més prestigiós de cada gremi era l’elecció del cos dirigent de cònsols, que es reunien a la sala de juntes del gremi per solucionar disputes, definir la política industrial de l’associació i administrar els fons gremials.

Els gremis destinaven fons a la caritat (característica de la cultura cristiana medieval). Tots tenien les seves pròpies capelles pel cap baix en una de les esglésies de la ciutat, celebraven el dia del sant patró amb processons i almoines als pobres, i finançaven obres d’art en funció dels recursos dels que disposaven. Als grans gremis el govern els assignà la responsabilitat de patrocinar importants esglésies, monuments cívics, hospitals…

Quina funció tenia aquest patrocini artístic? No era, òbviament, l’amor a l’art. L’arquitectura, l’escultura i la pintura, reforçada amb una ostentosa presència d’escuts d’armes, proporcionaven als gremis una rotunda forma de propaganda per a expressar el seu poder, puixança i prestigi. Les sumptuoses sales de juntes gremials situades en el centre comercial més car de la ciutat il·lustraven la seva opulència, i els escuts d’armes dels set gremis majors posats en els edificis públics importants palesaven el seu poder.

Els projectes gremials eren supervisats per una Opera[6] (obreria) que era una junta de membres elegits especialment amb aquesta finalitat. Els gremis exercien un control molt directe sobre cada projecte: convocaven un concurs, elegien un projecte, controlaven les despeses, convocaven comissions de ciutadans experts per prendre decisions importants, acordaven contractes, pagaven salaris, compraven els materials… L’Opera del Duomo era responsable no només de la seva administració, sinó també de la seva construcció, decoració i reparació; era la més gran contractista de treballadors de la construcció de la ciutat amb més d’un centenar de picapedrers, fusters, operaris manuals…, comprava maons, eines de ferro, corda…, encarregava a escultors la talla de detalls decoratius (capitells, motllures, estàtues). El detall, el rigor i la cura dels seus llibres de comptes palesa la mentalitat mercantil de la Florència renaixentista.

Complexos documents legals estipulaven els termes precisos acordats per artistes i patrons, en els quals s’hi feia constar la dimensió, format, temàtica, costos dels materials, execució i terminis.

  • Quan l’Opera del Duomo va encarregar a Donatello (1409) el sant Joan per a la façana occidental, li va proporcionar el bloc de marbre necessari[7]. L’estàtua de Donatello estava encara inacabada a l’abril de 1415 i l’Opera el va amenaçar amb una multa de 25 florins, el 15 % del seu valor, si no l’acabava abans del 31 de maig. L’estàtua fou finalment taxada  en 160 florins.
  • En el contracte de Ghiberti (1403) amb els mercaders de robes per a les portes del Baptisteri, l’obreria es comprometia a subministrar els materials necessaris i pagar 200 florins anuals a Ghiberti, el qual va acordar completar tres panells a l’any i pagar el salari dels seus ajudants. Però no va complir i l’obreria va subscriure un altre contracte el 1407 en el qual es denegava a Ghiberti la condició de treballador independent, se l’obligava a treballar en les portes tots els dies i se li prohibia acceptar altres encàrrecs sense el consentiment de l’obreria.

La «marca» Florència, associada al prestigi dels gremis, fou una poderosa motivació per al patrocini artístic a la Florència d’inicis del segle XV. Els materials, l’escala i, sobretot, l’estil brindaven als gremis una variada gamma d’alternatives per a l’expressió visual no només de la condició i riquesa de cada gremi, sinó també de la seva identitat nacional col·lectiva, i això servia com un poderós incentiu per al desenvolupament de solucions florentines úniques. Aquest estil tindria un impacte crucial en la història de l’art occidental i quatre projectes sobresurten com a fonamentals per a l’aparició del Renaixement:

El Baptisteri

Era el més antic dels seus principals monuments (data del segle XI). Decorat per fora amb una elaborada incrustació de marbres i per dins amb costosos mosaics, el seu patrocini havia estat assignat al gremi de mercaders de robes abans de 1300. Un dels primers projectes d’aquest gremi havia estat un joc de dues portes de bronze realitzades per Andrea Pisano representant la vida de sant Joan Baptista en vint panells quadrangulars (acabades el 1336). No es té clar que l’encàrrec d’un segon joc de portes, amb el mateix format, fos pres el 1401, quan els exèrcits milanesos estaven amenaçant la independència florentina i l’anunci d’un prestigiós concurs podria fer propaganda a la causa florentina.

Del concurs es conserven els panells de Brunelleschi i de Ghiberti que representen el Sacrifici d’Isaac. La interpretació estilitzada i elegant de Ghiberti era típica de l’estil gòtic internacional. Brunelleschi va escollir el moment dramàtic en què l’àngel arrabassa violentament la daga de la mà d’Abraham a punt d’enfonsar-la al coll del seu fill. El seu realisme no s’ajustava als gustos artístics del moment, però s’inspirava en tradicions florentines precedents i, en particular, en Giotto, però, el 1401, el pròsper gremi dels mercaders de robes era conservador. És significatiu que preferís l’estil de Ghiberti, que afavoria als florentins, utilitzant l’elegant llenguatge cortesà de l’Europa septentrional que creava una imatge de poder i prosperitat fàcilment recognoscible. També cal tenir en compte que el projecte de Ghiberti necessitava una quarta part menys de bronze. Amb un nombre més reduït de figures individualitzades per a soldar a la base, no només era més barata la seva realització, sinó que també era menys arriscada la seva fosa. Contrapesar el mínim cost i el màxim efecte visual constituïa l’atractiu principal de la cultura mercantil de la Florència renaixentista.

El primer joc de portes de Ghiberti, que representava vint escenes del Nou Testament, fou instal·lat el 1424. El 1425 l’obreria va decidir encarregar-li un altre joc, representant l’Antic Testament. Va optar per un disseny que incorporava diferents esdeveniments en cadascun dels deu panells quadrats proposats. Densament sobredaurats i envoltats d’una ornamentació naturalista prolixament esculpida, aquestes portes constituïen una decisiva manifestació de la condició privilegiada i la riquesa dels mercaders de robes. Però promoure aquesta imatge era molt car. Només els seus quatre principals projectes (els dos jocs de portes de Ghiberti realitzats en 1402-1424 i 1425-1453, la seva estàtua de sant Joan Baptista per al nínxol d’Orsanmichele en 1413-1417 i una nova estructura per a les portes de Pisano en 1452-1464) pujaven més de 35.000 florins[8]. Van haver de demanar un préstec de 1800 florins el 1429.

 florencia11florencia12florencia13Mosaics de la cúpula

florencia14Lorenzo e Vittore Ghiberti: Porta del Paradiso, 1425-1452. Bronze daurat. 599 x 462 cm. Museo dell’Opera del Duomo (una còpia al Baptisteri)

florencia15Lorenzo Ghiberti: Sacrificio di Isacco, 1401-1402. Bronze daurat. 45 x 38 cm. Museo del Bargello, Firenze

El Quattrocento «s’obre a Florència amb una competició entre escultors: el concurs per a la segona porta de bronze del Baptisteri (la primera, d’Andrea Pisano, era de 1336). Van participar-hi entre altres, Jacopo della Quercia, Lorenzo Ghiberti (de 23 anys) i Filippo Brunelleschi (de 24 anys). Els concursants havien de presentar una “història”, el sacrifici d’Isaac, en relleu, en un quarteró o compasso de vores lobulades, com els de la porta del Trecento.

Tant Ghiberti com Brunelleschi estan per un retorn al que és antic i fan gala d’una cultura humanista i historicista, però les seves posicions són, tanmateix, divergents. Ghiberti mostra tots els elements del relat bíblic: Isaac, Abraham, l’altar, l’àngel, el moltó, els criats, l’ase, la muntanya. La seva cultura clàssica li suggereix una referència, el sacrifici d’Ifigènia, i una interpretació al·legòrica del fet històric: la renúncia als afectes personals en pro de l’obediència a un imperatiu superior. No representa un drama, sinó que evoca un antic ritus sacrificial. Les figures estan vestides a l’antiga i el frontal de l’altar presenta un fris clàssic: sabem així que el fet ha succeït en un temps remot i no té ja força dramàtica. Isaac, en un bell acte d’oferiment, ostenta les proporcions perfectes del cos nu; Abraham arqueja la seva alta figura amb un moviment airós. Per tal que la mirada pugui detenir-se sobre la bellesa dels particulars, la història presenta un temps alentit: hi ha una àmplia cesura entre el fet principal i el secundari, entre l’escena del sacrifici i els criats que s’han quedat al peu de la muntanya, i aquesta cesura ve marcada per l’erecta cresta de roca que talla diagonalment el camp i que serveix també d’obstacle que reflecteix i regula la il·luminació de les dues parts. Aquesta transversal coordina també dos òrbites de moviment: la llarga corba falcada d’Abraham i l’oposada, més breu i inversa, del coll de l’ase. Aquests ritmes de moviment troben ressò en les corbes del marc: el moviment no es concentra en una acció, sinó que es dissipa en l’espai lluminós. De fet, l’acció està encara en suspens: Abraham no ha clavat el cop, l’àngel està distant al cel, Isaac no està aterrit, el moltó està sobre la muntanya.

La història de Brunelleschi dura molt menys. Els actes de les figures són simultanis i formen un únic moviment que gira entorn del fort ressalt del cos d’Isaac. Les forces es troben: tota la massa estesa del cos d’Abraham empeny la mà que enfonsararà el ganivet, mentre que l’altra mà gira brutalment el cap de la víctima descobrint la seva gola indefensa. El bust d’Isaac es dobla sota l’empenta, però en les cames apareix ja un punt de resistència i de reacció. L’àngel cau des del cel: la seva figura és una trajectòria tensa que acaba a la mà que s’aferra el canell d’Abraham, mentre que amb l’altra indica al moltó reticent. El xoc de tres voluntats contrastades es concentra en el nombre dels caps i de les mans en el vèrtex d’un triangle que trenca el ritme de les corbes del marc. La base està formada pels criats i l’ase, però el seu caràcter aliè a l’acció s’intensifica encara més: el drama parteix de zero i sobtadament arriba al seu clímax. Ghiberti descriu l’espai en una successió de plans i episodis; Brunelleschi el construeix mitjançant la simultaneïtat dels moviments, l’equilibri dinàmic de la seva contraposició.

Quin dels dos escultors és més natural? Ghiberti. Intenta que paisatge i figures es trobin proporcionades; estudia les exfoliacions de la roca i les frondositats dels arbres, fa córrer la llum al llarg dels plans i els punts sortints, canalitza l’ombra en els solcs de la forma. Brunelleschi no es para en el paisatge: un tros de roca llunyà i convencional, un arbre que hauria d’estar distant i al tronc del qual s’adhereix, però, un plec del mantell d’Abraham volat pel vent.

Quin dels dos és el més estudiós de l’antiguitat? Ghiberti. Evoca vestits antics, insereix ornaments clàssics, retroba –qui sap com– el gust pictòric i fins i tot la cadència poètica dels relleus hel·lenístics. Brunelleschi es limita a citar, en la figura d’un dels criats, el motiu clàssic del jove que es treu una espina del peu.

(…) Quin dels dos és més revolucionari? Brunelleschi sens dubte. L’espai de Ghiberti és un espai natural en què ocorre un cert fet. Brunelleschi elimina l’espai natural i fa el buit, i en aquest buit construeix un espai nou amb els cossos, els gestos i l’acció dels personatges.»[9]

florencia16Filippo Brunelleschi: Sacrificio di Isacco, 1401. Bronze daurat. 45 x 38 cm. Museo del Bargello, Firenze

Als inicis del Quattrocento, tot i l’amenaça milanesa –que s s’esvaeix al setembre de 1402 a causa de la mort de Gian Galeazzo Visconti, les tropes del qual s’havien apoderat de Bolonya al juny– i malgrat la devastadora pesta de 1399-1400, Florència gaudeix d’una millora en la seva situació econòmica. Ho demostra el fet que s’iniciïn i es reprenguin “grans obres”. A la catedral, es reactiva el projecte de la cúpula, aprovat des de 1367. Es convoca el 1401 un concurs destinat a la creació de la Segona porta (porta nord) per al Baptisteri. Cal recordar que l’encàrrec fet el 1329 a Andrea Pisano aspirava a superar a Pisa, la ciutat rival que s’enorgullia de la porta de bronze que Bonnano Pisano havia executat per la seva catedral. En el concurs de 1401 es posava de nou en marxa el programa iniciat amb la porta d’Andrea Pisano, interromput a partir de 1348 per la Gran Pesta i els tumults polítics. La publicitat atorgada al projecte posa de manifest la voluntat florentina de proclamar la capacitat i el geni inventius de Florència, la seva aptitud per obrir-se a la “modernitat” i la seguretat amb que es considera el “centre” de tal modernitat.

La importància política i artística del concurs no va ser ignorada pels contemporanis. Van acudir a participar-hi importants artistes i sembla que la decisió no va ser tan unànime com el mateix Ghiberti ens recorda: vacil·laren entre Ghiberti i Brunelleschi i es va proposar assignar l’execució a tots dos, encara que Brunelleschi va declinar participar en l’execució. La indecisió dels experts es comprèn si pensem que, de fet, estaven prenent partit per dues vies de modernitat. Ghiberti va guanyar perquè els experts van pensar que posseïa un domini de la tècnica més segur que el del seu rival: va buidar la seva placa d’un sol cop, mentre que Brunelleschi va soldar sobre una placa de bronze set blocs fosos per separat.

«Ghiberti va saber conciliar millor que Brunelleschi la composició de la història i el marc de quatre lòbuls. L’escena es configura sobre dos plans on es distribueixen els personatges modelats per Ghiberti aprofitant amb habilitat el lluminós embolcall de les formes. S’aprecia una discreta però eloqüent evocació de l’antiguitat en el tors d’Isaac. No obstant això, el cisellat elegant dels plecs en les vestidures, les cabelleres i els trets de les cares revelen un inigualable ofici d’orfebre i el coneixement –demostrat així mateix per la intensitat “realista” dels elements del paisatge– de l’art “gòtic” de les corts transalpines.

La descripció efectuada per Manetti sobre el panell de Brunelleschi ens transmet amb fidelitat la tensió dramàtica que neix de les actituds i els gestos: la vivacitat de l’àngel que sosté el braç d’Abraham, l’aterrida expressió d’aquest quan s’aferra amb violència el cap del seu fill … No tornarà a trobar-se fins molt més tard, en la pintura de Caravaggio, aquesta precisió en el gest eficaç i salvatge. La dispersió dels personatges, els animals, els arbres i les roques dins d’una disposició centrada en dos registres s’ajusta als “muntatges” de temes que proposa la pintura del Trecento i que es combinen així mateix en la pintura contemporània de Brunelleschi. Emmascara l’atenció que es concedeix a l’antiguitat i el gust manifest de Brunelleschi per l’experimentació i els escorços contraposats, com el de la dreta, constituït per la figura que es treu l’espina i el servent. El naturalisme auster i radical de Brunelleschi potser va donar una sensació d’arcaisme, mentre que Ghiberti va posar de manifest una qualitat tècnica posada al servei del preciosisme decoratiu indiscutiblement modern de l’art cortesà.»[10]

 Orsanmichele

Construïda com una loggia per a ser utilitzada pels comerciants de gra a la dècada de 1280, Orsanmichele tenia sobre un dels seus pilars una Marededéu que feia miracles i esdevingué el focus d’un important culte durant el segle XIV.[11] L’edifici actual fou iniciat el 1337 sota la supervisió dels mercaders de la seda. Fou planificat com una loggia oberta amb una columnata reservada a la veneració de la Marededéu i dos pisos superiors per a l’emmagatzematge de gra i oficines. El 1339 els mercaders de la seda havien obtingut permís de la Senyoria per assignar les catorze columnes exteriors de la loggia a diferents gremis, cadascun dels quals havia de decorar la seva corresponent columna amb un tabernacle on hi hagués l’estàtua del seu sant patró. El 1406 només sis gremis havien complert amb aquesta obligació. La importància que el govern conferia a la fisonomia de la ciutat de Florència va adquirir rang de llei quan, el 1406, va amenaçar amb la confiscació i trasllat dels nínxols no ocupats. El 1416 vuit gremis havien encarregat estàtues.

Orsanmichele era un lloc únic per comparar directament la condició, el poder i el prestigi dels gremis majors i menors. Els gremis majors s’asseguraren les posicions principals: el nínxol dels mercaders de robes estava situat en el punt més proper a la plaça de la Signoria i el dels mercaders de la llana es trobava prop de l’entrada principal a l’església i davant del seu palau. El cos d’aquestes obres constituïa una altra clara manifestació de riquesa. Normalment, en història de l’art, hom sol comentar l’estil de les escultures, però hom oblida sistemàticament que els nínxols esculpits eren una part important del cost total de l’obra. El gremi dels lliners (de lli) va invertir 200 florins en el seu tabernacle i només uns 100 florins per a l’estàtua feta per Donatello.[12] Només els gremis majors podien encarregar una estàtua de bronze a Ghiberti –convertit en l’escultor més cotitzat després del primer joc de portes del baptisteri–. L’estàtua de sant Mateu del gremi dels banquers va costar 845 florins; una estàtua de marbre de dimensions similars costava entre 100 i 150 florins. Que el bronze era considerat com un autèntic signe de prestigi ens ho confirma el fet que el gremi dels mercaders de la llana va encarregar, el 1426, una nova estàtua de bronze de sant Esteve a Ghiberti perquè l’anterior, del 1405, era de marbre; en el document on hi consta aquesta decisió s’hi diu que la vella estàtua era d’inferior valor que els bronzes de Ghiberti per als mercaders de robes i els banquers i calia rectificar aquesta situació donat el prestigi del seu gremi.

És significatiu subratllar que els gremis majors varen optar per estàtues més gòtiques, d’elegància cortesana, per  oferir una expressió clara de prestigi, en canvi, els gremis menors, que no havien de competir en l’àmbit internacional, varen preferir imatges més realistes, estàtues que emfasitzaven els èxits dels florentins en un estil més proper als frescos de Giotto del segle precedent. L’estàtua de sant Jordi dels armers (Donatello), el sant Marc dels lliners (Donatello), els Quatre Màrtirs Coronats dels picapedrers i fusters (Nanni di Banco) i el sant Eligi dels ferrers (Nanni di Banco) no eren figures humanes elegants o refinades, sinó sòlides escultures vestides amb robes més realistes en lloc dels vestits estilitzats utilitzats per Ghiberti. Per a la història de l’art, les estàtues de Donatello representen una fita en l’evolució del nou estil, al que anomenen renaixentista i situen a Ghiberti en una posició de menys creativitat. No és així com ho hem de veure. Ghiberti va fer allò que els gremis majors consideraven que era de major categoria i, per ells, això era el gòtic vinculat a les corts franceses.

 florencia17Orsanmichele http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-V51ZjxFeH4

florencia18florencia19Donatello: San Jorge  Cap el 1415-1417. Marbre. Altura 209 cm.  Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florencia.

florencia20Donatello: Sant Jordi i la Princesa, primer exemple de relleu en stiacciato[13] i perspectiva central.

«En opinió de Vasari, l’obra de Donatello constitueix una premonició de la de Miquel Àngel: li prepara el camí. La mateixa manera que Brunelleschi en l’arquitectura i Masaccio en la pintura, Donatello és l’iniciador de l’escultura,” l’inventor del bon estil modern”.

Vasari ha orientat les interpretacions posteriors. L’anàlisi que formula H.W. Janson pel que fa al Sant Jordi no és una cosa fortuïta. Segons Janson, la seva expressió correspon més a la figura victoriosa de David que a la d’un sant matador de dracs. D’aquesta manera, ocuparia un lloc en la iconografia de l’heroi bíblic “entre la versió anterior del mateix Donatello i el famós gegant de Miquel Àngel”. S’ha arribat a reconèixer en el Sant Jordi una metamorfosi d’una altra escultura del mateix estil que representa un David. (…)[14]

Esculpida per encàrrec del gremi dels armers (Arte dei Corazzai e Spadai) per Orsanmichele, l’estàtua del sant cavaller per antonomàsia i protector del gremi va ser col·locada en una fornícula gòtica adornada per un frontó on apareix Déu Pare i, a la base , per un baix relleu de marbre “on el sant mata el drac”[15] . Si el Sant Jordi s’ha convertit en paradigma de l’estatuària del Quattrocento és justament perquè no se la pot comparar amb cap altra escultura contemporània. La plenitud del volum enllaça amb la lliçó oblidada de les formes estables i dotades de pes que són característiques de Giotto, renovades per l’escultor. El canvi que sorgiria a finals de la segona dècada del segle XV en l’evolució de l’estil florentí i que en Ghiberti provocaria el pas des del Sant Joan Baptista al Sant Mateu es posa de manifest amb tot esplendor en el Sant Jordi de Donatello. L’aspecte “natural” de l’estàtua crida l’atenció de qui la contempla. Si bé hi ha un punt de contemplació principal, vista des d’un altre enfocament no perd en absolut la seva concentració i la seva rotunditat formal. Encarna una dimensió humana exemplar, ideal, que s’alça en un espai al qual serveix com a mesura i que comprèn dins el seu ordenament “a qui la mira”. Cal no oblidar que és contemporània de les experiències perspectivistes de Brunelleschi. Posseeix l’aplom i la sobirana autoritat del Crist col·locat per Masaccio, uns anys més tard, al centre del fresc del Pagament del Tribut a l’església del Carmine de Florència[16].

Si la comparem amb una estàtua gòtica de l’exterior de les grans catedrals, podem observar com Donatello trenca totalment amb el passat. Aquestes estàtues gòtiques romanen als costats dels pòrtics en fileres solemnes com si fossin éssers d’un altre món. Per contra, el Sant Jordi de Donatello s’alça amb fermesa sobre el terra, amb els peus posats a terra decididament, com disposat a no cedir ni un pam. El seu rostre no té res de la vaga i serena bellesa dels sants medievals, sinó que és tot energia i concentració. Sembla esperar l’arribada del monstre per enfrontar-s’hi; les mans descansen sobre l’escut, però és totalment tensa la seva actitud en una determinació de desafiament.

L’estàtua és famosa com a símbol inigualable del valor i la intrepidesa juvenils. No obstant això, no és només la imaginació de Donatello allò més digne d’admirar, la seva facultat de corporeïtzar el sant cavaller d’espontània i convincent manera; el seu criteri respecte a l’art de l’escultura revela una concepció nova. Tot i la sensació de vida i moviment que l’estàtua comunica, segueix sent precisa en la seva silueta i sòlida com una roca. Igual que Masaccio, Donatello va voler substituir les delicadeses i refinaments dels seus predecessors per una nova i vigorosa observació del natural. Detalls com les mans o les celles del sant revelen una total independització dels models tradicionals; demostren un nou i independent estudi de les formes reals del cos humà. Si ho comparem amb el David de 1409, observarem com les cames, que en el David constituïen un mecanisme de suport i de ressort, al Sant Jordi estan obertes per suportar el pes del bust, els braços que al David formaven dos arcs, aquí necessiten, respectivament, l’aplom i la lleugera rotació del bust. La creu sobre l’escut defineix l’eix de la figura i les dues direccions del seu desenvolupament: en alçada, amb la vertical del cos dret, en amplada amb l’horitzontal de les espatlles. Al David la llum fluïa ràpida sobre els plans esmunyedissos, mentre que en el Sant Jordi construeix el volum.

L’Hospital dels Innocents

Els mercaders de la seda varen escollir un estil nou per a les obres de l’Hospital dels Innocents, un orfenat de beneficència sota el seu patrocini. El sentiment d’identitat nacional i l’orgull cívic hi van tenir molt a veure en aquesta elecció. El disseny de Brunelleschi (1419) tenia poc en comú amb el gust generalitzat pels arcs apuntats i la prolixa decoració d’estil gòtic. Era un disseny nou però bevia de les antigues tradicions estilístiques florentines. El disseny de Brunelleschi per a l’hospital resulta fàcilment recognoscible: la seva elegant arcuació de mig punt suportada en capitells corintis i els seus frontons triangulars sobre finestres rectangulars podien trobar-se també en el Baptisteri i l’església de San Miniato al Monte. El que els mercaders de la seda encarregaren fou un disseny que rebutjava un estil essencialment estranger, el gòtic, afavorint-ne un altre més antic i nacional, el romànic toscà, donant peu així a l’aparició d’una arquitectura deliberadament florentina[17].

 florencia21Brunelleschi: Hospital dels Innocents, 1419. Piazza de l’Annunziata. Florència

L’Hospital dels Innocents es va construir sufragat pel Gremi de la Seda a partir del 1419 i es va inaugurar el 1445. La distribució interior és similar a la d’altres hospitals de l’època, però la façana rep un tractament que el fa diferent.

Filippo Brunelleschi[18] la concep amb visió urbanística i té en compte la resta de la plaça; basteix l’hospital sobre una escalinata, cosa que li permet la configuració del terreny, ja que era l’antiga llera d’un riu. Quan les altres façanes que donen a la plaça s’urbanitzen ho fan seguint les pautes de Brunelleschi, com les galeries de Sangallo i de Baccio d’Agnolo, i la resta d’elements, com les fonts de Tacca i l’estàtua de Giambologna tenen també en compte la configuració global.

Brunelleschi organitza la façana en sentit horitzontal en dos registres. En el superior, que correspon a les habitacions, situa edícules clàssiques amb frontó triangular a les finestres, ordenades seguint els eixos que marquen els arcs de la galeria inferior. A la part baixa situa el pòrtic, que fa una doble funció: de transició cap a l’interior i d’acolliment del nou vingut. L’organitza seguint un mòdul cúbic, la mida del qual la dóna l’intercolumni. Nou arcades de mig punt, aguantades per columnes de fust llis, base simple i capitell corinti, conformen la galeria. Per sobre dels arcs, un entaulament motllurat corona i uniforma el conjunt. Als carcanyols situa terracotes vidrades amb figures d’infants, obra de Lucca della Robbia .

A l’extrem esquerre de la porta hi ha la ruota, un torn de pedra per fer entrar el nen a l’edifici sense que es veiés al pare. Això permetia a la gent abandonar els seus fills anònimament, per tal que en tingués cura l’orfenat[19]. Aquest sistema va seguir funcionant fins al tancament de l’hospital el 1875.

El disseny de Brunelleschi es va basar tant en l’arquitectura de l’Antiga Roma com en l’arquitectura gòtica tardana. La galeria o lògia era un tipus de construcció ben conegut. Però l’ús de columnes rodones amb capitells clàssics, en aquest cas d’ordre compost, era una novetat, el mateix que els arcs circulars i les cúpules esfèriques. Els elements arquitectònics estaven articulats en pedra grisa que destaca sobre el blanc de les parets. Aquest motiu es va arribar a conèixer com pietra serena (significa “pedra fosca”). També era novetat la lògica proporcional. L’alçada de les columnes, per exemple, no és arbitrària: si es traça una línia horitzontal al llarg de la part alta de les columnes, es crea un quadrat amb l’altura de la columna i la distància d’una columna a la següent. Aquesta ànsia de regularitat i ordre geomètric esdevindria un important element en l’arquitectura renaixentista.

A sobre de cada columna hi ha un tondo ceràmic. Brunelleschi pretenia originàriament que fossin concavitats buides, però cap a l’any 1490, van encarregar a Andrea della Robbia que les omplís. El disseny representa a nens en bolquers sobre fons blau, indicatiu del torn on podien deixar-se els nens. Queden alguns dels tondi originals, altres són còpies del segle XIX.

La catedral

florencia22

Mentre els gremis estaven encarregant escultures per a Orsanmichele i per al Baptisteri, tenia lloc una transformació més radical en la fisonomia de la ciutat. La catedral de Florència, iniciada a finals del segle XIII, estava arribant a la seva conclusió. Aquest símbol primordial de prestigi i puixança florentins havia estat assignat al gremi dels mercaders de la llana el 1332, però les despeses eren tan grans que el govern va haver de deduir 3 lires de cada testament per contribuir al fons d’edificació.

Com els grans projectes arquitectònic de l’Edat Mitjana, l’edifici no fou dissenyat d’un sol cop. La nova catedral havia estat iniciada el 1296, quan el papa Bonifaci VIII va concedir 3000 florins per a la seva construcció. No fou fins 1367 quan es va arribar a completar la nau central; llavors l’obreria va decidir la forma que tindria el seu extrem oriental. Planejada a una escala sense precedents des de la caiguda de l’Imperi romà, la seva cúpula de base octogonal no només era ambiciosa, sinó que no s’assemblava en res a cap de les existents en les altres ciutats italianes. Aquest inequívoc símbol de la puixança excepcional de Florència escollit per l’obreria, només fou acceptat després d’un referèndum de l’electorat florentí. La cúpula podia aspirar a identificar-se amb l’expressió visual del poder de la República florentina. Tanmateix, el fet que encara no estigués acabada el 1400 constituïa un deteriorament del prestigi de la ciutat i, per això, el seu acabament esdevingué una prioritat urgent.

El desig de diferenciar-se plantejava grans problemes per als artesans encarregats de la seva construcció i es va convocar un concurs el 1418 per tal de trobar una solució satisfactòria. Arquitectes, com a tals, no existien i els projectes eren presentats per una gran varietat de persones, com per exemple Giovanni di Gherardo da Prato, que donava classes sobre Dante i treballava com administrador cap de l’obreria. El projecte escollit fou el de Brunelleschi, que era de formació escultor i orfebre. La seva intenció, en construir una cúpula de doble armadura amb un enginyós ús d’una obra de maó en espiga i sense l’ús tradicional d’un suport de fusta, va causar tal controvèrsia que se li va encarregar que supervisés ell mateix la seva execució (fins ara, sempre una obra era supervisada pel cap de picapedrers contractat). L’elecció de Brunelleschi va suposar una important fita per a l’aparició de l’arquitecte modern. Se’l valorava com enginyer i per l’estalvi de diner que comportava el seu projecte, no pel seu estil.

El 1408 l’obreria va encarregar estàtues dels evangelistes per a la façana de la catedral: a Nanni di Banco (Lluc), Donatello (Joan), Lamberti (Marc), Ciuffagni (Mateu); un relleu de l’Assumpció de la Marededéu a Nanni di Banco per a la Porta della Mandorla; una sèrie de profetes per al campanar, cristalls pintats per als vitralls…

Brunelleschi: Cúpula de Santa Maria del Fiore.  1420-1461. 100 m altura interior; 105,5 m altura exterior; 41 m de diámetre interior; 45,5 m diámetre exterior. Maó, pedra i marbre.  Florència.

florencia23Secció de la cúpula de Santa Maria del Fiore, Florència

 florencia24Axonometria de la cúpula de Santa Maria del Fiore

En el concurs de 1418 per a la cúpula de la catedral va participar també Ghiberti, però el guanyador va ser Brunelleschi. D’aquesta manera, el 1420 se li va confiar la finalització de la catedral (iniciada el 1296 per Arnolfo de Cambio; la façana moderna –de finals del segle XIX– substitueix la que va ser destruïda el 1588) mitjançant la cúpula que estava com a coronació del creuer. La dificultat inicial radicava en la magnitud de la cúpula i la seva empenta colossal, més difícil de contrarestar que les de Pisa i Siena. «El problema de cobrir aquell ampli espai amb una gran cúpula o cimbori es plantejava fonamentalment entorn de la necessitat de construir una gran cintra i les bastides, el que suposava un elevat cost. Brunelleschi, que gaudia de gran prestigi entre els seus coetanis, va obtenir l’encàrrec sense indicar detalladament el procediment a seguir. Va ser llavors, segons relata Vasari, quan va tenir lloc l’escena en què, en respondre als desconfiats que insistien a conèixer el mètode a emprar, després de pregar-los que posessin un ou dret i després d’intentar-ho infructuosament, Brunelleschi ho va aconseguir trencant lleugerament la seva base, anècdota que ha passat a la història com atribuïda a Cristòfor Colom.»[20]

florencia25

Brunelleschi coneixia la cúpula del Panteó de Roma, encara que no es va inspirar directament en ella. El Panteó és una semiesfera recolzada en gruixuts murs de càrrega i dissenyada per ser vista des de l’interior. Brunelleschi s’enfrontava amb una base octogonal de diàmetre semblant, el que complicava l’equilibri de forces, i volia aixecar una cúpula que fos un referent per a la ciutat. No podia, doncs, utilitzar murs de càrrega ja que aquests no permeten cúpules que sobresurtin més d’una tercera part del seu diàmetre per sobre dels murs.

També coneixia la tècnica constructiva de les cúpules bizantines amb les seves nervadures, materials lleugers i la distribució de les forces i càrregues en petxines i contraforts, ja que la cúpula del baptisteri de Florència s’inspira en elles.

Es tracta d’una cúpula apuntada i rematada per una gran llanterna, amb una estructura realitzada amb maons, sobre una base octogonal i composta de dues cúpules paral·leles. Tant l’interior com l’exterior són apuntats seguint un arc amb un radi de 6/7 del diàmetre de l’octògon inscrit a la base. Com la capa interior, en tenir un radi menor, es tanca abans, l’amplada de la segona capa augmenta amb l’altura. La diferència de radis de curvatura contribueix a que les forces es distribueixin seguint una corba anomenada de pètal de flor, amb un punt de màxima tensió en el qual va col·locar un anell de reforç amb bigues de fusta. Entre ambdues capes es troba la capa d’aire amb els nervis i anells que formen l’estructura de la cúpula. Aquesta capa buida permet alleugerir gairebé en un terç el pes total de la cúpula, així com l’existència de dues galeries que permeten accedir a la llanterna. La combinació de les tres capes i la forma apuntada permet una reducció de pes de gairebé en un 45% respecte a una cúpula semiesfèrica. Des del punt de vista mecànic i dinàmic les tres capes actuen com una sola.

La cúpula pesa entre 25.000 i 27.000 tones, un 10,5% del qual és el pes de la llanterna. Es tracta de la major estructura de maó del món, construïda amb maons romans, de molt bona qualitat, i fabricats sota l’estricta supervisió de Brunelleschi. Tots tenen un gruix de 5,1 cm i un llarg entre 15,2 i 30 cm.

Es va utilitzar la pedra en la base de les capes interna i externa. Aquests anells de pedra haurien d’haver arribat a una altura equivalent a la tercera part de l’altura total de la cúpula, però Brunelleschi, un cop aconseguit el control absolut de l’obra, va paralitzar les filades de pedra quan encara no havien arribat a la meitat de l’alçada prevista. Els permòdols que sobresurten servien per recolzar les bastides durant la construcció.

La cúpula està formada per 24 nervis de maons disposats en forma d’espina de peix. Els vuit que recorren els vèrtexs de la cúpula, són els nervis principals, ja que recullen el pes de l’estructura. Dos nervis més per cara ajuden a repartir el pes de la cúpula. Aquest total de 24 nervis parteixen d’un anell de pedra i maó a la base de la cúpula, el qual recull els seus esforços i els transmet al tambor. Paral·lelament a l’anell de la base, hi ha onze anells formats per arcs de maó entre nervi i nervi, que distribueixen les forces tangencials de manera uniforme i transmeten el pes de les estructures als nervis. Els vuit nervis de pedra i marbre que es veuen a l’exterior són decoratius i no compleixen cap funció estructural, ja que els nervis que aguanten la cúpula no es veuen ni des de fora de la catedral ni des de dins. Serveixen per definir els vuit triangles que formen la cúpula i li confereixen, trencant la indefinició d’una cúpula monocroma, un volum i consistència que, d’una altra manera, haguessin quedat difuminats.

La base exterior de la cúpula hauria d’estar envoltada per una galeria de la qual només es va construir en una de les vuit cares. Els òculs del tambor són anteriors a l’obra de Brunelleschi.

La llanterna, amb els seus 16 metres d’altura i un pes aproximat del 10% de total de la cúpula, és una peça clau en el conjunt arquitectònic. Fins aquell moment les llanternes eren petites o inexistents. Està inspirada en els temples circulars de la Roma Imperial i oberta als vents. Està dissenyada com la rematada indispensable a una cúpula apuntada i és una mena de punt de fuga de la perspectiva de la catedral.

La cúpula s’alça sobre un cimbori octogonal i subdivideix el seu pes, per donar menys empenta, amb una cúpula interior més baixa i una cúpula externa que, peraltant-se en arc apuntat, serveix de contrafort a la cúpula interior. En efecte, les cúpules semiesfèriques tendeixen, a causa del pes del seu centre, a enfonsar-se de manera que els seus extrems s’obren cap a for;, en canvi, les cúpules apuntades tendeixen a obrir-se per la cúspide i, per tant els seus extrems exerceixen un gran impuls cap a dins. En combinar ambdues, Brunelleschi va poder contrarestar l’empenta horitzontal de la cúpula semiesfèrica amb el pes, en sentit contrari, de la cúpula exterior de perfil apuntat (és el mateix sistema que les cúpules cistercenques). A més, va unir les dues cúpules mitjançant costelles en els angles i va envoltar la cúpula interior amb grans anells de bigues de fusta unides entre si amb barres de ferro: aquesta combinació constitueix la veritable invenció de Brunelleschi. La idea de les dues cúpules permet, d’altra banda, deixar un espai lliure entre ambdues, amb el que es resol així mateix el problema de l’accessibilitat a la part alta de la construcció i a l’extradós de la cúpula interior.

Va introduir també el sistema de construir-la sense cintres: la cúpula no es podia aixecar amb els mitjans tècnics disponibles (recordem que una cúpula en construcció havia de ser sostinguda fins arribar a la clau de volta, mitjançant grans estructures de fusta i ja no se sabien construir cintres tan grans). Evidentment, quan en el Trecento es va construir el tambor hi havia a Florència fusters capaços d’armar cintres d’aquesta grandària, però finalitzat el temps de les grans construccions i amb la tendència al refinament decoratiu, s’havia perdut l’ofici per realitzar treballs d’aquesta envergadura. Brunelleschi hagués pogut intentar recuperar la tècnica oblidada, però va optar per inventar una nova tècnica, però no per construir cintres sinó per automantenir la cúpula durant la seva construcció: la cúpula s’anava tancant a mesura que anava pujant.

La cúpula de Florència és un dels pocs monuments que des de la seva construcció s’ha considerat unànimement com a perfecte. Per aixecar aquella mitja taronja, Brunelleschi va estudiar les antiguitats romans, els cimboris medievals i les cúpules bizantines de Ravenna. En les formes perfectes de la seva arquitectura, va expressar no només una nova i grandiosa concepció del món, sinó una nova condició de la ment humana: la cúpula de Santa Maria del Fiore havia de ser la clau que coordinés en un nou sistema tots els elements que componien la catedral, de manera que la significació global del monument fos l’expressió no de l’antiga societat medieval que havia construït el temple, sinó de l’actual societat florentina.

Va projectar la doble cúpula no només per raons tècniques que exigia la mecànica de forces, sinó per una específica raó formal: “perché la torni piú magnífica e gonfiata”. És a dir, que la finalitat de la doble cúpula és la de diferenciar les seves proporcions segons es tracti dels espais buits de l’interior o dels volums plens, de la distribució de les masses, a l’exterior. Efectivament, a l’interior la cúpula no té nervadures i els triangles esfèrics, en trobar-se, determinen angles díedres, corbs; d’aquesta manera, la cúpula interna coordina les diferents direccions espacials de la nau i del tambor octogonal i les condueix al profund buit, en fuga, de la llanterna, d’acord amb les lleis de la perspectiva. A l’exterior, en canvi, on es tracta de coordinar les masses i no els espais buits, els triangles esfèrics –més esvelts aquí perquè són apuntats– es mostren com tenses membranes rosades entre la carcassa potent de les nervadures de marbre blanc que condueixen el moviment de masses de l’edifici fins l’airosa llanterna que corona la cúpula.

Aquesta cúpula no és ja l’expressió col·lectiva del sentiment religiós de la comunitat, sinó l’expressió individual d’un artista que interpreta el sentiment col·lectiu. La cúpula no es limita a concloure un edifici d’una altra època, sinó que el redefineix, l’adopta, transforma la seva significació. Arnolfo havia concebut la catedral com un cos longitudinal de tres naus que desembocaven en una tribuna octogonal amb absis a cada costat, com els pètals d’una flor sobre la tija. Buscava, per tant, el contrast entre la perspectiva recta de les naus i la imprevista expansió radial de l’espai. Brunelleschi es va proposar equilibrar, amb la cúpula, tots aquests espais (masses a l’exterior, espais buits a l’interior), és a dir, transformar en proporcional l’edifici concebut en sentit dimensional. Amb l’ampli cos de la cúpula coordina i conclou els espais radicals del cor, mentre que amb el perfil ogival equilibra en altura l’espai longitudinal de la nau i amb la convergència de les nervadures defineix la forma de la cúpula; aquesta ja no pesa sobre l’edifici, sinó que apareix lliure i com inflada en l’aire, amb la tensió elàstica dels paraments, tensos entre les nervadures com la tela entre les varetes d’un paraigua.

La ciutat no és ja el municipi lliure per al qual Arnolfo havia pensat la catedral en el lloc de l’antiga església de Santa Reparata. És el centre d’un petit estat, i la cúpula és el pivot dels barris i els carrers de la ciutat, domina i caracteritza el paisatge urbà, però amb el desenvolupament en altura i amb l’amplitud de les seves corbes s’uneix a l’horitzó dels turons que envolten la ciutat.


[1] Canniffe, Eamonn (2008). The politics of the Piazza. The history and meaning of the Italian square. Aldershot. Ashgate Publishing Limited. Pàgs. 68-70

[2] Wackernagel, Martin (1997). El medio artístico en la Florencia del Renacimiento: obras y comitentes, talleres y mercado. Tres Cantos. Akal. Pàg. 212

[3] Leonardo Bruni (1974). Panegirico della città de Firenze.  Florència. La Nuova Italia Editrice. 97 pàgs.

[4] Brucker, Gene A. (1971). The Society of Renaissance Florence. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. Pàg. 90

[5] Battisti, Eugenio (1981). Filippo Brunelleschi. Nova York. Phaidon Press. Pàg. 334

[6] D’aquí el nom de Museo dell’Opera del Duomo, i similars

[7] Janson, H.W. (1962). The Sculpture of Donatello. New Jersey. Princeton. Pàgs. 12-13

[8] Richard Krautheimer (1982). Lorenzo Ghiberti. New Jersey. Princeton. Pàgs. 57, 109, 286, 303 I 372-373

[9] Argan, Giulio Carlo (1996). Renacimiento y barroco: el arte italiano de Giotto a Leonardo da Vinci. Tres Cantos. Akal. 2ª ed. Pàgs. 112-114)

[10] Ceysson, Bernard (i altres) (1996). La escultura. La tradición de la escultura antigua desde el siglo XV al XVIII. Barcelona. Carroggio. Pàg. 21

[11] Zervas, Diane (1987). The Parte Guelfa, Brunelleschi and Donatello. Nova York. Locust Valley. Pàgs. 101-109

[12] Janson, H.W. (1962). The Sculpture of Donatello. New Jersey. Princeton. Pàg. 17

[13] El stiacciato o schiacciato (relleu aplanat) és una tècnica escultòrica que permet de realitzar un baix relleu amb una variació mínima, (de vegades es parla de mil·límetres), respecte al fons. Per donar a l’espectador la il·lusió de profunditat, el gruix disminueix gradualment des de primer pla fins el fons.

[14] Janson, H.W. (1979). The Sculpture of Donatello. New Jersey. Princeton. 260 pàgs.

[15] «Va executar per a l’art dels Cuirassers la figura d’un Sant Jordi armat, d’una gran vivacitat i gest ferotge. En el seu cap es reconeix la bellesa de la joventut, l’ànim i el valor amb les armes, una vivacitat gallardament terrible i un meravellós gest de moviment dins de la pròpia pedra. I certament, en les figures modernes no s’ha vist mai tanta vivacitat, ni en el marbre tant esperit, com els que la naturalesa i l’art van posar en aquesta obra per mà de Donato. Al basament que sosté el seu tabernacle hi va treballar un baix relleu en marbre del moment en què mata la serp, en què hi ha, entre altres coses, un cavall molt admirat i elogiable. Al frontispici va fer en mig  relleu un Déu Pare, i a la façana de l’esmentada església de Sant Miquel va esculpir en marbre i en l’ordre antic anomenat corinti, amb res que recordi a l’estil gòtic, el tabernacle del Gremi dels Mercaders, per col·locar-hi dues estàtues que al final no va fer perquè no hi va haver acord en el preu.»

Girogio Vasari (2002). Las vidas de los más excelentes arquitectos, pintores y escultores italianos desde Cimabue a nuestros tiempos. Madrid. Càtedra. (Col. Grandes Temas) 2ª ed. Pàg. 282

[16] Bozal, V. (i altres) (1992). La escultura. Barcelona. Carroggio. Volum 2 de la Historia de Arte. Pàgs. 159-165

[17] Onians, John: «Bruneleeschi: Humanist or Nationalist», Art History 5 (1982), pàgs. 259-272

[18] Argan, Giulio Carlo (1990). Brunelleschi. Madrid. Xarait Libros. (Col. Libros de arquitectura y arte). 152 pàgs.

[19] Gavitt, Philip (1990). Charity and Children in Renaissance Florence. Michigan. The University of Michigan Press. 330 pàgs.

[20] Azcárate, José Mº de (1992), La arquitectura: de los orígenes al Renacimiento. Tomo 3 de la Historia del Arte. Barcelona. Carroggio S.A. de Ediciones. Pàg. 230

Dr. Joan Campàs Montaner
jcampas@uoc.edu        Aura digital
Estudis d’Arts i Humanitats de la UOC

Materials del Curs L’art dels museus: els Uffizi
1. Desconstruint alguns mites del Renaixement
2. Les corts italianes: el context històric del Renaixement italià
3. Milà i el Renaixement: dels Visconti als Sforza
4. L’Urbino de Federico de Montefeltro
5. La Ferrara dels Este
6. La Màntua dels Gonzaga
7. El regne de Nàpols d’Alfons I
8. La Venècia dels dogo
9. Forència en el Renaixement (1)
10. Florència en el Renaixement: política i mecenatge
11. Els Mèdici, senyors de Florència
12. Giorgio Vasari: els Uffizi, 1560-1581
13. Maestro della Sant’Agata: Madonna de Pisa
14. Cimabue: Maestà di santa Trinità
15. Duccio: Palla Rucellai
16. Giotto: Madonna Ognissanti
17. Simone Martini: L’Anunciació
18. Gentile da Fabriano: Adoració dels mags
19. Lorenzo Monaco: La coronació de la marededéu
20. Fra Angèlic: Coronació de la marededéu
21. Paolo Uccello: La batalla de san Romano
22. Domenico Veneziano: Sacra conversazione
23. Piero della Francesca: Díptic del duc d’Urbino
24. Filippo Lippi: Coronació de la marededéu
25. Hugo van der Goes: Tríptic Portinari
26. Sandro Botticelli: Judit
27. Sandro Botticelli: L’adoració dels mags
28. Sandro Botticelli: La marededéu del magníficat
29. Sandro Botticelli: El naixement de Venus
30. Sandro Botticelli: Al·legoria de la primavera
31. Sandro Botticelli: Minerva i el centaure
32. Sandro Botticelli: L’anunciació Cestello
33. Sandro Botticelli: La calúmnia d’Apel·les
34. Leonardo da Vinci: L’anunciació
35. Leonardo da Vinci: Adoració dels reis
36. Giovanni Bellini: Al·legoria sacra
37. Miquel Àngel: Tondo Doni
38. Rafael: Madonna del cardellino
39. Ticià: La venus d’Urbino

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